The Sublime Right of Ordinary Folks

Posted on Saturday 12 June 2004

In Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan, he postulates the ideal political state as the ultimate sovereign, government as prime authority, patriarch, great arbiter. In a Hobbesian state, the government is more, much more, than the sum of its parts. Hobbes justifies his leviathan of a state because of his notion of the “state of nature,” that theoretical situation in which humans are measured by their innate tendencies. Because humans are primarily selfish, Hobbes concludes, the state of nature would lead to a life “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.” The only solution, then, is a strong government, one with such overwhelming power that its subjects are afraid to step out of line and
must act in the interests of the whole.

Hobbes’s government makes a certain amount of sense: people want stuff, and they want it for themselves, and they want a lot of it, and they want it now. That’s an obvious formula for conflict.

As you can imagine, kings thought this was a pretty neat idea: they could rule with an iron fist and be justified by not just the church, but by science as well. However, having thrown out kingship, you’d think we Americans would have severe problems with Hobbes. Self governance implies that people are good, or at least have a capacity to know not just what’s right for themselves, but
enough of what’s right for the whole that they can vote responsibly in a plebiscite. Further, we think we’re good enough to be left to our own devices for most things and not cause problems for others – a sort of benign selfishness. We get a lot of these ideas from John Locke, who critiqued
Hobbes’ notion of governance at the level of the state of nature. He’s where we get the idea of people having the right to, as he put it, “life, liberty and property,” modified by Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence as “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”

But in a practical way we’re conflicted about all this. We like the idea of governing ourselves – and that the government, as such, is the problem – but at the same time we want a government that actually does help out when we lose our jobs or crime gets bad or a flood wipes out our houses or when we want to keep our ‘69 Camaro in the divorce settlement. At the same time, we
want a government we can believe in (maybe more than we want one that actually governs). We want a government that will provide cavalcades of snapping flags and marble buildings and big, loud bombers with which to flex our muscle overseas.

In other words, we think Locke, but we feel Hobbes.

Maybe both views are a little skewed. Maybe our ambivalence comes from our inability to see our government for what it is: not more than the sum of its parts but less – not the overarching power, but the underlying one.

A democracy, even one as indirect as our own, exists to serve the people. Our constitution does not free us; in fact it details the way in which our power is limited. But it does so in very limited ways, in order to protect our self-determination from itself, to protect “we the People” from the lesser parts of our natures that so worried Hobbes. All other rights, privileges, decisions,
aspirations, needs, goals, what-have-you, are expressly left up to us as individuals to pursue. Government, rather than concerning itself with these higher aspects of our natures, rightfully concerns itself with the lower ones. Those things that tend to raise the quality of human life like the expression of faith, ideas, art, science, are free to be exercised. Those things that tend to
degrade human life are addressed through the law: lack of security, conflict, problems in trade and commerce, more arguably lack of food and shelter. Those things that make us more we are free to pursue. Those that make us less the government is there to help fix. Humanity, in a democracy, is more important than government.

Indeed, the idea that a democracy in any real form is more than its parts suggests a certain animism, which, not to disparage animism, is pure nonsense, and, in certain circles, idolatry. That this system of government requires neither heavenly fiat nor state-sponsored brutality is its great
strength: its very secularism is what allows those within it to seek the spirit as the spirit moves them. Power does not devolve to the people; the government devolves from the people’s power. So while we are right to periodically get upset and “throw the bums out,” we also have to remember that they’re our bums; they’re our responsibility. At the same time, we can’t be afraid
to let the government do what we need it to do, like feed the poor or curtail the growing power of our corporations. We should respect a tool (and government is a powerful one), but if we fear it, we can’t get it to do much work for us. Last, we should not let that power get in the way of others’ rights to pursue their own happiness, even if we disagree with what that means. Even if one disagrees with homosexuals who want to marry, it’s hard to deny the genuineness of that
desire.

It’s high time we stopped blaming government and started owning it.

  1.  
    6/12/2004 | 5:57 pm
     

    I feel Paine.

  2.  
    T.S. deHaviland
    6/12/2004 | 9:48 pm
     

    What does it indicate that I feel Mill?

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